ABSTRACT
Research
on democracy consolidation in Africa pays little attention the role information
technologies play in mediating political relations between individual
politicians and citizens. On the other hand, media research has not done enough
to account for how existing socio-political relations potentially define the
use of media for political purposes. Drawing from a recent governorship
election in Nigeria, this paper argues that local issues can determine how
social media are framed and used in political campaigns. In the election
central to this study, the incumbent seeking reelection boasted superior social
media in both strategy and deployment. But the opposition candidate eventually
won the race by framing social media as a tool of the elite meant to bypass
ordinary citizens. Thus, by depicting himself as a “man of the street,” the
opposition candidate galvanized aggrieved groups within the state to achieve an
unlikely victory. The paper is based on two weeks of interviews with top
campaign officials of the opposition campaign.
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Introduction
Despite
the general paucity of economic infrastructure in sub-Saharan Africa, over the
past decade this region has experienced some of the fastest growth rates in
mobile phone and Internet penetration in the world. In Nigeria, mobile phone
subscription has risen from just over 866,000 in 2001 to over 121 million as of
October 2013. During the same period, Internet users rose from 200,000 to 57
million (NCC, 2013). These technologies are now major social connectors, and
there is hope that they may be transforming political life by enhancing
democratic consolidation and increasing the quality of democracy. Technology
potentially has the power to make elections in Nigeria more transparent and to
encourage citizens to expect accountability from elected leaders (Adewumi &
Daramola, 2010; Etzo & Collender, 2010; Ifukor, 2010; Olorunnisola &
Douai, 2013; Schuler, 2008; Smyth & Best, 2013).
1.2 Background of the Study
One
of the elements of democracy and the rule of law is the freedom of expression.
To democratize is to ensure free unhindered two-way communication between the
government and the governed. The essence is to ensure the responsiveness of the
government to the yearnings of the people and for the people to put their views
across to government without fear or hindrance and in an atmosphere devoid of
interference. Against this background, this paper examines the role of the mass
media in the process of democratic consolidation in Africa, including Nigeria.
The objective is to identify the factors acting as constraints to the
effectiveness of the mass media in ensuring democratic consolidation. It
observes that the sustainability of democracy in Africa depends on several factors,
some of which are located within the media itself while others are based on the
prevailing political, socio-economic, legal, infrastructural, cultural and
religious environment Jin the different countries. The most crucial factor for
the sustenance of democracy in Africa would consist of the enthronement of a
popular sovereignty that touches the daily lives of the populace, gives meaning
to the notion of citizenship and goes beyond the constitutionally defined form
of rule. The role of the media is facilitative, supportive and integrative.
To
achieve greater media effectiveness in promoting democratic ideals and
governance in Africa, there is need for private sector partnership and
involvement of civil society organizations in media ownership in order to achieve
a balance
1.3 Statement of the Problem
If
elections have become more transparent, cases of pre- and post-election
violence continue to persist (Lewis, 2011). The violence may be due in part to
incitement communicated over the new media, which the state appears unable to
control (Lewis, 2011; Smyth & Best, 2013; Tar & Zack-Williams, 2007).
However, on other occasions, mobile phones and social media have been
instrumental in fostering stability by dispelling rumors and disseminating
facts (Smyth and Best, 2013). The digital media is not the only force at work
in these elections. Tensions between parties and groups pose a serious
challenge to this fragile democracy as manipulative politicians play voters off
against each other in a bid to cling onto power (Berman, Eyoh, and Kymlicka,
2004; Nyamnjoh, 2005b).
Two
bodies of literature may offer understanding as to why the digital media has
not had a transformational effect on democracy on the African continent, even
though this media has greatly improved the logistical coordination for
elections and political campaigns. Firstly, mainstream African political
science literature advances that ethnic tensions, intense competition for state
power and resources, and weak state institutions are responsible for electoral
violence and the fragile democracies of many African countries (see Berman et
al., 2004). Another body of literature focuses on the use of digital media in
African elections. According to these various studies, the effect of the
digital media on democracy varies greatly. In some instances, it seems to
create efficiency and transparency in the electoral process (Bailard and
Livingston, Forthcoming; Smyth and Best, 2013); in other instances, it
contributes to widespread disillusionment resulting in the refusal by many
citizens to vote in elections (Bailard, 2012). The study of digital media is
still a developing field and there is no agreement about the overall effects of
it on elections or democratization.
But
these two bodies of literature, studying the old and new media respectively,
have generally not interacted, and as a result a significant knowledge gap
exists. Yet, it is clear that the media has played a decisive role in African
politics. Nationalists who fought for independence made extensive use of the
media, and postcolonial governments generally used the media to promote
development policies and programs. So both political science and digital media
research will mutually benefit from incorporating existing socio-political
factors into the analyses of how new digital media technologies are utilized
for political advantage in Sub-Saharan Africa. This paper assumes that
technology and society are constantly at work on each other. Technology brings
new opportunities to the political process, but its use is strongly influenced
by historical and social realities.
Two
aspects of the election campaign process are of particular interest. Firstly,
the way the elites framed digital media use in public discourse as compared to
its actual use in the campaigns, and, secondly, what the campaigns perceived as
the best use for digital media: political bargaining or reaching voters with
their message.
1.4 Objectives of the Study
The objectives of this research work are to:
1.
Bridge the gap between political science and digital media
literature in Sub-Saharan African.
2.
Explore how the use of digital media by political elites has
interacted with socio-political and historical factors, and ultimately shaped
the outcome of the governorship election in Nigeria’s Ekiti state. Ekiti has a
low rate of Internet use, but high mobile phone use.
3. Investigate how
politicians adopted these new digital media and other traditional channels of
communication for political campaigning, internal campaign communication, and
inter-elite bargaining.
1.5 Research Questions
The following research questions have been developed:
RQ1
During campaigning, how
did the elites’ public discourse about digital media use compare with their
actual digital media practices?
RQ2
How do politicians
communicate with their constituencies and supporters during an election?
RQ3
To what extent does the
choice of a media channel correspond with the type of message politicians want
to send?
1.6 Significance of the Research Study
This research work has much significance but some of them are:
1. This
research work will improve and expand the knowledge and understanding of the
researcher on issues surrounding or pertaining to the concept of democracy
2. It
will provide relevant information for understanding the role of the media in
democratic consolidation in Africa and Nigeria.
3. It
will help in seeking solution to all problems that the mass media faces in
democratic consolidation.
4. It
will serve as reference material to any scholar/student who is willing to know
or to add to his/her knowledge and insight of the role of the social media in democratic
consolidation in Nigeria.
1.7 Scope of the Study
It is generally known that the social media covers a wide range area, but
for the purpose of this research work, it will be limited to the gubernatorial
elections held in Ekiti State of South Western Nigeria on June 21, 2014
1.8 Historical Background of the Study
Ekiti
state held an election for governor on June 21, 2014 with two main contestants
– incumbent Kayode Fayemi of the All Progressives Congress and Ayodele Fayose
of the People’s Democratic Party. Nigeria’s federal system is patterned after
the US system with state governors serving as the chief executives of their
states. Campaign strategies in the lead up to the election were discussed in
the national media as contests between the three senatorial districts in the
state with the current governor’s performance taking a backseat as he sought
reelection (Nwaoko, 2014). The state is ethnically homogenous but the three
senatorial districts contest for the governor’s seat. The opposition candidate,
Fayose, won the election and the incumbent Kayode Fayemi conceded defeat once
the results were officially announced. Observers, journalists, and most
citizens agree that the election was free and credible even if its fairness was
questionable due to the excessive use of security forces that Fayemi’s party
alleged was meant to intimidate its supporters.
The election was one of the best in Nigeria’s recent electoral history.
Yet, in the run up to the election, there were reports that security forces
harassed supporters of the APC party, which ruled in Ekiti, but was in
opposition on the federal level. The APC accused the federal government of
using the pretext of security concerns to deploy over 12,000 security forces to
intimidate its supporters not to vote. For some APC members, this deployment
tipped the election in favor of Fayose after security forces disrupted their
efforts to reach voters in the final days of campaigning. The security forces
denied partisan involvement, and challenged critics to present evidence.
Several citizens interviewed acknowledged receiving gifts of money and
foodstuff from both parties in the run up to the election, but it is unclear if
the disruption of any party’s gift-giving strategy negatively affected its
chances.