CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.0 Permeable
The aim of
this chapter is to give insight into the purpose of this study and to
state clearly the problem that led to this study. The first section is
the background to the study which will help create a better
understanding of the variables involved in this study. The second part
will identify the gaps which exist in literature that has led to this
study and clearly discuss these gaps. The last sections will discuss
clearly the objectives of this study and the key terms that will be used
in this study will be defined.
1.1 Background of the Study
Genital mutilation has been observed to
have negative health effects on females especially in developing
countries such as a Nigeria where circumcision is commonly practiced
(Rigmor, Vigdis, Jan, Atle, and Gunn, 2012). Women and girls living with
FGM have experienced a harmful practice. Experience of Female Genital
Mutilation increases the short and long term health risks to women and
girls and is unacceptable from a human rights and health perspective
(Adinma, 2007). While in general there is an increased risk of adverse
health outcomes with increased severity of Female Genital Mutilation
(FGM), WHO is opposed to all forms of FGM and is emphatically against
the practice being carried out by health care providers
(medicalization). Female genital mutilation (FGM) comprises all
procedures involving partial or total removal of the female external
genitalia or other injury to the female genital organs for non-medical
reasons as defined by the World Health Organisation (WHO, 2015).
The centuries-old practice of
female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C), also known as female
circumcision, is a culturally sanctioned practice that consists of “all
procedures involving partial or total removal of the female external
genitalia or other injury to the female genital organs for non-medical
reasons”. According to the WHO typology, there are four main types: type
I (clitoridectomy), type II (excision), type III (infibulation or
pharaonic circumcision), and type IV, which is used to describe all
other harmful procedures to the female genitalia in the absence of
medical necessity (Balk, 2000). The nomenclature for the practice varies
across regions, ideological perspectives and research frames, and one
could use the expression preferred by UNICEF and UNFPA, two central
policymakers in the global effort to end the practice, ‘female genital
mutilation/cutting’ (FGM/C). Wade (2015) explains that Western efforts
to end FGM/C since the early 1970s has relied primarily on two frames
that have influenced the discourse of FGM/C and, in turn, the
ideological contestation over the practice. In addition to the women's
right frame, a dominant frame has been that the practice involves
physical and mental harm.
Obermeyer (1999) observed that, despite
the vast volume of publications, relatively few correspondences on
female genital mutilation were of reasonably good quality. He indicated
that serious problems such as haemorrhage, shock or septicemia occurred
in 0-3% of cases that infections and urinary symptoms ranged from 0-15%,
and various scars and cysts ranged from 0-12%. Concerning reproductive
health problems, such as those connected with labour and delivery,
infertility, and sexual function, there was much less evidence, reported
frequencies ranged more widely, and it was difficult to gain a good
understanding of the effect of the operations on reproductive health
(BonessioL. Bartucca, Berelli, Morini, Aleandri and Spina, 2001).
Current practice shows a degree of diversity, reflecting the debates
that have been ongoing for decades. Obermeyer (1999) reported that
circumcision of female has a negative health effect on their sex organ.
He appears to equate the operations performed on women with those
performed on men, which are in fact considerably less extensive; and
mutilation because it imputes to parents and practitioners motivations
to inflict harm. Since that time, the expression female genital cutting
has come into use, because it seems to provide a less specific and more
neutral way of talking about the operation; it remains however awkward
when talking about "cut" women (BonessioL, et al., 2001).
Indeed, for close to a century,
observational studies, supported by biological theories, have suggested a
negative association between FGM/C and various health outcomes. Until
recently, the effects of female circumcision on health and sexuality
were poorly documented, and the bulk of the literature consisted of
general articles decrying the practice, discussions of policies,
programmes and activities, and reports of personal experience (Carr,
2007). In the past few years, however, there has been an increase in
research on the health effects of female circumcision, and an expansion
of the scope of studies beyond strictly defined health complications, to
include sexual effects. This is an opportune time to take stock of the
available evidence as this present study will focus on the health
effects of female genital mutilation.
1.2 Statement of the Problem
In Nigeria, especially in
Ethiope East L.G.A of Delta State, female genital mutilation has been
perpetuated over generations by social dynamics that make it very
difficult for individual families as well as individual girls and women
to abandon the practice. Even when families are aware of the harm female
genital mutilation can bring such as severe pain, excessive bleeding,
infections, Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV), urination problem,
Psychological consequences, shock, menstrual pain, obstetric fistula,
death, etc. They continue to have their daughters, circumcised because
it is deemed necessary by their community for bringing up a girl
correctly, protecting their honour and maintaining the status of the
entire family (WHO, 2008).
Acknowledging that the
tradition brings shame and stigmatization upon the entire family and
prevent girls from becoming full and recognized members of their
community if not practiced, people out of ignorance tend to fall prey
this weak traditional practice. These among others have brought serious
problems to females in Ethiope East L.G.A of Delta State especially
those in rural areas.
From the aforementioned problems, it
could be observed that female genital mutilation brings with it its
attendant health problem as well as negative effects on the female
gender. This study will address the above mentioned problems and
recommend appropriate measures to control its practice in the study
area.
1.3 Aim and Objectives of the Study
The aim of
this research work is to examine the health effects of female genital
mutilation in Ethiope East Local Government Area of Delta State.
In order to achieve the above stated aim, the following objectives were designed to guide this study;
- To examine the diseases associated with female genital mutilation in Ethiope East L.G.A of Delta State;
- To examine the major reasons behind the practice of female circumcision in Ethiope East L.G.A of Delta State; and
- To discuss possible ways to address the problems associated with the effects of female genital mutilation in the study area.
1.4 Research Hypothesis
The following stated null hypothesis will be tested in this study;
- Female genital mutilation has no significant effect on the health of female inhabitants of Ethiope East L.G.A of Delta State.
- The practice of female genital mutilation is not significantly dependent on religion, preserving the women virginity, etc.
1.5 Significance of the Study
This study is
significant to the inhabitants, research institutions, the government
and other policy makers. The study will go a long way in helping
government at local, state and federal levels and other policy makers in
indentifying the problems, causes, effects and solution to female
genital mutilation and its adverse effect on human health.
The study is also significant
because it makes for awareness of the facts that man is the architect of
his own fortune. The work will discuss the need for greater care of the
female gender towards preventing them from having grievous health
effects as a result of female genital mutilation. It will serve the
needs of many readerships, which is not only limited to Ethiope East
L.G.A indigenes but to geographers, and the entire society of academia.
1.6 Study Area
The study
area, Ethiope East Local Government Area is located in Delta State and
in the Niger Delta (South-south geopolitical zone) region of Nigeria.
The description of the study area: Abraka will be done in the following
sub-headings:
1.6.1 Location and Size
The study
area, Ethiope East is located in Delta State, Nigeria. It is situated in
the Southern part of Nigeria which has abundant rainforest vegetation
and it’s characterized by evergreen deciduous forest vegetation (Efe,
2006). The region lies approximately on latitudes 050 451N of the equator and longitudes 060 001E
of the Greenwich meridian (Alaskis, 2000). Ethiope East L.G.A covers a
total land area of about 239.53 square kilometers (92.5 square mile)
(Alaskis, 2000).
Ethiope East L.G.A is bounded
by Orhionwon Local Government Area of Edo State in the north, bounded on
the east and south by Ukwani and Ughelli North Local Government Areas
of Delta state respectively and lastly it is bounded on the west by Ika
Local Government Area of Delta State (Akinbode and Ugbomeh, 2006).
Ethiope East L.G.A of Delta
State consists of ten (10) regions which includes Abraka, Agbon,
Isiokolo, Samagidi, Kokori, Oviere, Okpara-Inland, Okpara-Waterside,
Eku, and Ewu. These communities have common relationship and different
kingship institutions and kingdom (Aweto, 2005).